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We reject the categorical account of preference outliers a priori and elaborate conditions under which committees should be unrepresentative of their parent chambers.
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More recent revisionist work suggests that committees composed of preference outliers are in fact rare. The view that congressional committees tend to be biased subsets of their parent chambers provides the foundations for a substantial body of theoretical literature on distributive politics and legislative structure. Rather than strictly pursuing visions of good public policy or pandering to the national median voter, our results suggest that presidents systematically prioritize the needs of politically important constituents. Swing state particularism is especially salient during presidential reelection years, and core partisan counties within swing states are most heavily rewarded. But we show that, at much higher levels, presidents target both counties within swing states and counties in core states that strongly supported the president in recent elections.
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As others have noted, presidents target districts represented by their co-partisans in Congress in the pursuit of influence vis-a`-vis the legislature. When influencing the allocation of federal dollars across the country, do presidents strictly pursue maximally efficient outcomes, or do they systematically target dollars to politically influential constituencies? In a county-level analysis of federal spending from 1984 to 2008, we find that presidents are not universalistic, but particularistic-that is, they reliably direct dollars to specific constituents to further their political goals.